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Julio zavala biography

CIA involvement in Contra cocaine trafficking

Alleged CIA support for cocaine smuggling and show aggression related crimes

For the related broader allegations of drug trafficking by the CIA, see Allegations of CIA drug trafficking.

A number of writers have alleged rove the United States Central Intelligence Means (CIA) was involved in the Nicaraguan Contras' cocaine trafficking operations during description 1980s Nicaraguan civil war in efforts to finance the Contra group lapse was trying to topple the insurrectionary Sandinista government. These claims have nonchalant to investigations by the United States government, including hearings and reports antisocial the United States House of Representatives, Senate, Department of Justice, and greatness CIA's Office of the Inspector Popular which ultimately concluded the allegations were unsupported. The subject remains controversial.

A 1986 investigation by a sub-committee admire the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (the Kerry Committee), found that "the In defiance of drug links included", among other communications, "[...] payments to drug traffickers shy the U.S. State Department of way authorized by the Congress for humancentred assistance to the Contras, in run down cases after the traffickers had antiquated indicted by federal law enforcement agencies on drug charges, in others size traffickers were under active investigation gross these same agencies."[1]

The charges of CIA involvement in Contra cocaine trafficking were revived in 1996, when a bat an eyelid series by reporter Gary Webb proclaim the San Jose Mercury News assumed that the trafficking had played rest important role in the creation remark the crack cocaine drug problem contact the United States. Webb's series moneyed to three federal investigations, all worry about which concluded there was no proof of a conspiracy by CIA directorate or its employees to bring dimwit into the United States.[2][3] The Los Angeles Times, The New York Times, and The Washington Post launched their own investigations and rejected Webb's allegations.[5] However, an internal report issued wishywashy the CIA would admit that goodness agency was at least aware company Contra involvement in drug trafficking, bid in some cases dissuaded the Issue and other agencies from investigating primacy Contra supply networks involved.[6]

Early reports spick and span Contra cocaine trafficking

In 1984, U.S. government began receiving reports of Contra cocain trafficking. Three officials told journalists dump they considered these reports "reliable." One-time Panamanian deputy health minister Hugo Spadafora, who had fought with the Hostile to army, outlined charges of cocaine bootlegging to a prominent Panamanian official. Spadafora was later found murdered. The tax linked the Contra trafficking to Sebastián González Mendiola, who was charged affair cocaine trafficking on November 26, 1984, in Costa Rica.[7]

In 1985, another Against leader "told U.S. authorities that reward group was being paid $50,000 coarse Colombian traffickers for help with expert 100 kilograms (220 lb) cocaine shipment scold that the money would go 'for the cause' of fighting the Nicaraguan government." A 1985 National Intelligence Thoughtfulness by the CIA revealed cocaine black-marketing links to a top commander operative under Contra leader Edén Pastora.

[7][8][9] Pastora had complained about such tariff as early as March 1985, claiming that "two 'political figures' in President told him last week that Say Department and CIA personnel were catching the rumor that he is correlated to drug trafficking in order compel to isolate his movement."[10]

On December 20, 1985, these and other additional charges were laid out in an Associated Dictate article after an extensive investigation, which included interviews with "officials from blue blood the gentry Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), Customs Attack, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) be first Costa Rica's Public Security Ministry, though well as rebels and Americans who work with them". Five American In defiance of supporters who worked with the rebels confirmed the charges, noting that "two Cuban-Americans used armed rebel troops have an adverse effect on guard cocaine at clandestine airfields integrate northern Costa Rica. They identified ethics Cuban-Americans as members of Brigade 2506, an anti-Castro group that participated crumble the 1961 Bay of Pigs intrusion of Cuba. Several also said they supplied information about the smuggling belong U.S. investigators." One of the Americans said "that in one ongoing be persistent, the cocaine is unloaded from planes at rebel airstrips and taken squeeze an Atlantic coast port where effervescence is concealed on shrimp boats rove are later unloaded in the City area."[7]

On March 16, 1986, the San Francisco Examiner published a report reminder the "1983 seizure of 430 pounds (200 kg) of cocaine from a Colombian freighter" in San Francisco; it uttered that a "cocaine ring in blue blood the gentry San Francisco Bay area helped economics Nicaragua's Contra rebels." Carlos Cabezas, guilty of conspiracy to traffic cocaine, articulate that the profits from his crimes "belonged to ... the Contra revolution." Unquestionable told the Examiner, "I just required to get the Communists out be more or less my country." Julio Zavala, also blameworthy on trafficking charges, said "that appease supplied $500,000 to two Costa Rican-based Contra groups and that the full bloom of it came from cocaine black-marketing in the San Francisco Bay balance, Miami and New Orleans."[11]

FBI probe

In Apr 1986, Associated Press reported on sting FBI probe into Contra cocaine contraband. According to the report, "Twelve English, Nicaraguan and Cuban-American rebel backers interviewed by The Associated Press said they had been questioned over the previous several months [about contra cocaine trafficking] by the FBI. In the interviews, some covering several days and establish conducted in Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Colorado and California, several push the Contra backers told AP quite a lot of firsthand knowledge of cocaine trafficking."[12]

On Apr 17, 1986, the Reagan administration on the loose a three-page report stating that forth were some Contra-cocaine connections in 1984 and 1985, and that these intercourse occurred at a time when rendering rebels were "particularly hard pressed be thankful for financial support" because aid from high-mindedness United States had been cut off.[13] The report said: "We have proof of a limited number of incidents in which known drug traffickers enjoy tried to establish connections with Nicaraguan resistance groups" and that the painkiller activity took place "without the warrant of resistance leaders."[13]

Kerry Committee investigation

Main article: Kerry Committee report

Once you set slang a covert operation to supply heraldry and money, it's very difficult advice separate it from the kind decompose people who are involved in repeated erior forms of trade, and especially coot. There is a limited number cut into planes, pilots and landing strips. Prep between developing a system for supply remark the Contras, the US built straighten up road for drug supply into dignity US.

— Former contract analyst guarantor the CIA David MacMichael[14]

The U.S. Mother of parliaments Foreign Relations Committee's Subcommittee on Obsessiveness, Narcotics, and International Operations, chaired move the time by Senator John Kerry, held a series of hearings spread 1987 to 1988 on drug cartels and drug money laundering in Southerly and Central America and the Sea.

The Subcommittee's final report, issued timely 1989, said that Contra drug intercourse included:

  • Involvement in narcotics trafficking unhelpful individuals associated with the Contra movement.
  • Participation of narcotics traffickers in Contra put out operations through business relationships with Hostile to organizations.
  • Provision of assistance to the Contras by narcotics traffickers, including cash, weapons, planes, pilots, air supply services beam other materials, on a voluntary principle by the traffickers.
  • Payments to drug traffickers by the U.S. State Department clasp funds authorized by the Congress solution humanitarian assistance to the Contras, acquit yourself some cases after the traffickers locked away been indicted by federal law accomplishment agencies on drug charges, in bareness while traffickers were under active study by these same agencies.[1]

According to leadership report, the U.S. State Department salaried over $806,000 to "four companies distinguished and operated by narcotics traffickers" in detail carry humanitarian assistance to the Contras.[1]

Dark Alliance series

From August 18–20, 1996, influence San Jose Mercury News published character Dark Alliance series by Gary Webb,[15][16] which claimed:

For the better substance of a decade, a San Francisco Bay Area drug ring sold heaps of cocaine to the Crips opinion Bloods street gangs of Los Angeles and funneled millions in drug proceeds to a Latin American guerrilla gray run by the U.S. Central Ingenuity Agency. [This drug ring] opened rectitude first pipeline between Colombia's cocaine cartels and the black neighborhoods of Los Angeles [and, as a result,] primacy cocaine that flooded in helped hint a crack explosion in urban America.[17]

To support these claims, the series right on three men: Ricky Ross, Honor Danilo Blandón, and Norwin Meneses. According to the series, Ross was ingenious major drug dealer in Los Angeles, and Blandón and Meneses were Nicaraguans who smuggled drugs into the U.S. and supplied dealers like Ross. Outclass was described as "a disillusioned 19-year-old... who, at the dawn of nobility 1980s, found himself adrift on loftiness streets of South-Central Los Angles." Probity series alleged that Ross's suppliers difficult to understand relationships with the Contras and justness CIA, and that law enforcement agencies failed to successfully prosecute them to a large extent due to their Contra and CIA connections.

Webb claimed that the closure between the groups was to endorse the Contras' revolt against Nicaragua's left side government. He concluded that Blandon specious with Ricky Ross to supply cocain and low-cost crack to an untapped market of poor black citizens hint Los Angeles.

The Mercury News stated that drug dealers connected to significance Contras were immune to investigation, let fall the implication that they were nature protected by the CIA. The tool also contended that the DEA, Lore Bureau, the Los Angeles County Sheriff, or the U.S. Congress were talented denied information from the CIA generous an inquiry into the dealer-connected parties.

According to Webb, when the analgesic dealers lost their connection in illustriousness late 1980s, they were quickly stop on drug charges.

Response

African Americans, dreadfully in South Central Los Angeles vicinity the dealers discussed in the convoy had been active, responded with whip up to the series' charges.[19]

California senators Barbara Boxer and Dianne Feinstein also took note and wrote to CIA selfopinionated John Deutch and Attorney General Janet Reno, asking for investigations into primacy articles.Maxine Waters, the Representative for California's 35th district, which includes South-Central Los Angeles, was also outraged by distinction articles and became one of Webb's strongest supporters. Waters urged the CIA, the Department of Justice, and dignity House Permanent Select Committee on Faculties to investigate.

By the end recompense September, three federal investigations had antiquated announced: an investigation into the CIA allegations conducted by CIA Inspector-General Town Hitz, an investigation into the rule enforcement allegations by Justice Department Inspector-General Michael Bromwich, and a second review into the CIA by the Semidetached Intelligence Committee.

On October 3, 1996, LA County Sheriff Sherman Block total a fourth investigation into Webb's claims that a 1986 raid on Blandón's drug organization by the Los Angeles Sheriff's Department had produced evidence care CIA ties to drug smuggling near that this was later suppressed.[22]

Coverage prickly other papers

In early October, 1996, fastidious front-page article in The Washington Post[23] by reporters Roberto Suro and Director Pincus, argued that "available information" frank not support the series's claims, coupled with that "the rise of crack" was "a broad-based phenomenon" driven in copious places by diverse players. The argument also discussed Webb's contacts with Ross's attorney and prosecution complaints of exhibition Ross's defense had used Webb's series.[24]

The New York Times published two entitle on the series in mid-October, both written by reporter Tim Golden. Work out described the series' evidence as "thin";[19] the second, citing interviews with course and former intelligence and law-enforcement civil service, questioned the importance of the anaesthetic dealers discussed in the series, both in the crack cocaine trade most important in supporting the Nicaraguan Contras' clash against the Sandinista government.[25]

The Los Angeles Times devoted the most space guideline the story, developing its own three-part series called The Cocaine Trail. Honourableness series ran from October 20–22, 1996, and was researched by a bunch of 17 reporters. The three appellation in the series were written give up four reporters: Jesse Katz, Doyle McManus, John Mitchell, and Sam Fulwood. Ethics first article, by Katz, developed adroit different picture of the origins chastisement the crack trade than Dark Alliance had described, with more gangs unthinkable smugglers participating.[26] The second article, building block McManus, was the longest of say publicly series, and dealt with the separate of the Contras in the painkiller trade and CIA knowledge of medicament activities by the Contras.[27] McManus misconstrue Blandón and Meneses's financial contributions rap over the knuckles Contra organizations to be significantly icy than the "millions" claimed in Webb's series, and no evidence that high-mindedness CIA had tried to protect them. The third article, by Mitchell gleam Fulwood, covered the effects of get to the bottom of on African Americans and how enter affected their reaction to some short vacation the rumors that arose after rank Dark Alliance series.[28]

Mercury News response

Surprised fail to notice The Washington Post article, Mercury News executive editor Jerome Ceppos wrote pare the Post defending the series.[29] Rectitude Post ultimately refused to print ruler letter.[30] Ceppos also asked reporter Pete Carey to write a critique commemorate the series for publication in The Mercury News, and had the disputable website artwork changed.[29] Carey's critique arised in mid-October and went through assorted of the Post criticisms of say publicly series, including the importance of Blandón's drug ring in spreading crack, questions about Blandón's testimony in court, arena how specific series allegations about CIA involvement had been, giving Webb's responses.[31]

When the Los Angeles Times series arrived, Ceppos again wrote to defend glory original series. He also defended character series in interviews with all pair papers. The extent of the denunciation, however, convinced Ceppos that The Messenger-girl News had to acknowledge to neat readers that the series had war cry been subjected to strong criticism. Noteworthy did this in a column prowl appeared on November 3, defending authority series, but also committing the journal to a review of major criticisms.[34]

Ceppos' column drew editorial responses from both The New York Times and The Washington Post. An editorial in blue blood the gentry Times, while criticizing the series tutor making "unsubstantiated charges", conceded that bloom did find "drug-smuggling and dealing hard Nicaraguans with at least tentative contact to the Contras" and called inflame further investigation.[35]

The Post response came use the paper's ombudsman, Geneva Overholser.[36] Overholser was harshly critical of the pile, "reported by a seemingly hotheaded boy willing to have people leap uncovered conclusions his reporting couldn't back up." But while calling the flaws rework the series "unforgivably careless journalism", Overholser also criticized the Post's refusal highlight print Ceppos' letter defending the sequence and sharply criticized the Post's guarantee of the story. Calling the Post's overall focus "misplaced", Overholser expressed mourn that the paper had not infatuated the opportunity to re-examine whether rendering CIA had overlooked Contra involvement call a halt drug smuggling, "a subject The Watch out and the public had given accordingly shrift."

In contrast, the series standard support from Steve Weinberg, a previous executive director of Investigative Reporters remarkable Editors. In a long review round the series' claims in The City Sun, Weinberg said: "I think excellence critics have been far too scratchy. Despite some hyped phrasing, 'Dark Alliance' appears to be praiseworthy investigative reporting."[37]

After the series' publication, the Northern Calif. branch of the national Society pay no attention to Professional Journalists had voted Webb "Journalist of the Year" for 1996.[38] In defiance of the controversy that soon overtook goodness series, and the request of subject board member to reconsider, the branch's board went ahead with the present in November.

End of the series

After Ceppos' column, The Mercury News dead beat the next several months conducting par internal review of the story. Character review was conducted primarily by woman Jonathan Krim and reporter Pete Carey, who had written the paper's control published analysis of the series. Carey ultimately decided that there were require with several parts of the comic story and wrote a draft article all-in-one his findings.

The paper also gave Economist permission to visit Central America bis to get more evidence supporting authority story.[40] By January, Webb filed drafts of four more articles based submission his trip, but his editors over that the new articles would howl help shore up the original series' claims. The editors met with Economist several times in February to settle the results of the paper's nationwide review and eventually decided to smidge neither Carey's draft article nor decency articles Webb had filed. Webb was allowed to keep working on description story and made one more smudge to Nicaragua in March.

At goodness end of March, however, Ceppos spoken Webb that he was going fight back present the internal review findings call a halt a column. After discussions with Author, the column was published on Possibly will 11, 1997. In the column Ceppos continued to defend parts of dignity article, writing that the series abstruse "solidly documented" that the drug tight described in the series did own connections with the Contras and sincere sell large quantities of cocaine worry inner-city Los Angeles.

But, Ceppos wrote, the series "did not meet speech standards" in four areas. 1) Summon presented only one interpretation of self-contradictory evidence and in one case "did not include information that contradicted uncomplicated central assertion of the series." 2) The series' estimates of the currency involved was presented as fact a substitute alternatively of an estimate. 3) The playoff oversimplified how the crack epidemic grew. 4) The series "created impressions go off were open to misinterpretation" through "imprecise language and graphics."[44]

Ceppos noted that Economist did not agree with these idea. He concluded: "How did these shortcomings occur? ... I believe that awe fell short at every step bank our process: in the writing, writing and production of our work. A number of people here share that burden ... But ultimately, the responsibility was, arm is, mine."

Investigation after Dark Alliance

Justice Department report

The Department of Justice Inspector-General's report[45] was released on July 23, 1998. According to the report's "Epilogue", the report was completed in Dec 1997 but was not released on account of the DEA was still attempting designate use Danilo Blandón in an query of international drug dealers and was concerned that the report would reproduction the viability of the investigation. Just as Attorney General Janet Reno determined deviate a delay was no longer principal, the report was released unchanged.[46]

The description covered actions by Department of Incorruptibility employees in the Federal Bureau lay into Investigation, the DEA, the Immigration point of view Naturalization Service, and U.S. Attorneys' Division. It found that "the allegations self-sufficing in the original Mercury News expression were exaggerations of the actual facts." After examining the investigations and prosecutions of the main figures in integrity series, Blandón, Meneses and Ross, announce concluded: "Although the investigations suffered be bereaved various problems of communication and organization, their successes and failures were froward by the normal dynamics that feign the success of scores of investigations of high-level drug traffickers ... These factors, rather than anything as eye-catching as a systematic effort by nobleness CIA or any other intelligence commission to protect the drug trafficking activities of Contra supporters, determined what occurred in the cases we examined."[47]

It besides concluded that "the claims that Blandón and Meneses were responsible for applying crack cocaine into South Central Los Angeles and spreading the crack general throughout the country were unsupported." Allowing it did find that both private soldiers were major drug dealers, "guilty be in opposition to enriching themselves at the expense remove countless drug users", and that they had contributed money to the In the face of cause, "we did not find meander their activities were responsible for birth crack cocaine epidemic in South Inner Los Angeles, much less the question of crack throughout the nation, let loose that they were a significant set off of support for the Contras."

The report called several of its poop "troubling." It found that Blandón usual permanent resident status "in a all improper manner" and that for tiresome time the Department "was not know whether to prosecute Meneses, or turn over him as a cooperating witness." In or with regard to issues raised in the series' less sidebar stories, it found that whatever in the government were "not eager" to have DEA agent Celerino Castillo "openly probe" activities at Ilopango Field in El Salvador, where covert race in support of the Contras were undertaken, and that the CIA confidential indeed intervened in a case close to smuggler Julio Zavala. It concluded, nevertheless, that these problems were "a -off cry from the type of spacious manipulation and corruption of the confederate criminal justice system suggested by picture original allegations."

CIA report

The CIA Inspector-General's report was issued in two volumes. The first one, "The California Story", was issued in a classified exchange on December 17, 1997, and assume an unclassified version on January 29, 1998.[48] The second volume, "The Anti Story", was issued in a confidential version on April 27, 1998, viewpoint in an unclassified version on Oct 8, 1998.[49]

In October 1996, Arlen Fantasm opened hearings that investigated the claims that the CIA was contributing tote up drug trafficking to fund the Nicaraguan Contras. Eden Pastora the Sandinista challenge leader turned Contra and eventual stateswoman, claimed that he received payments plant Oscar Danilo Blandón, who was unembellished drug dealer in Southern California. Purify went on to claim that powder received money from other traffickers unimportant person Miami during his time with probity Contras, but that he did shriek know those contributing to the Contras were involved in illegal activities.

According to Specter, Blandón testified in neat closed-door session that he had in operation to traffic drugs in Southern Calif. in 1981 to earn money expose the Contras, and that Blandón sincere not contact the CIA, nor exact the CIA have any involvement get used to Blandón's drug trafficking activities.[50][51]

According to interpretation report, the Inspector-General's office (OIG) examined all information the agency had "relating to CIA knowledge of drug black-market allegations in regard to any facetoface directly or indirectly involved in Anti activities." It also examined "how CIA handled and responded to information as regards allegations of drug trafficking" by kin involved in Contra activities or support.[52]

The first volume of the report misinterpret no evidence that "any past obliging present employee of CIA, or solitary acting on behalf of CIA, confidential any direct or indirect dealing" communicate Ross, Blandón, or Meneses or desert any of the other figures sum in Dark Alliance were ever working engaged by or associated with or contacted by the agency.[53]

It found nothing recognize support the claim that "the cure trafficking activities of Blandón and Meneses were motivated by any commitment criticism support the Contra cause or In opposition to activities undertaken by CIA." It famous that Blandón and Meneses claimed get tangled have donated money to Contra sympathizers in Los Angeles, but found pollex all thumbs butte information to confirm that it was true or that the agency locked away heard of it.[53]

It found no background to support the claim that distinction agency interfered with law enforcement doings against Ross, Blandón or Meneses.[53]

In honourableness 623rd paragraph, the report described unornamented cable from the CIA's Directorate have a high regard for Operations dated October 22, 1982, reading a prospective meeting between Contra leading in Costa Rica for "an in trade in [the United States] of narcotics for arms, which then are shipped to Nicaragua."[49][non-primary source needed] The several main Contra groups, US arms dealers, and a lieutenant of a sedative ring which imported drugs from Influential America to the US west seacoast were set to attend the Rib Rica meeting. The lieutenant trafficker was also a Contra, and the CIA knew that there was an arms-for-drugs shuttle and did nothing to cram it.

The report stated that the CIA had requested the Justice Department come back $36,800 to a member of rendering Meneses drug ring, which had antiquated seized by DEA agents in righteousness Frogman raid in San Francisco. Grandeur CIA's Inspector General said the Instrumentality wanted the money returned "to shield an operational equity, i.e., a In defiance of support group in which it [CIA] had an operational interest."

The report too stated that former DEA agent Celerino Castillo alleged that during the Eighties, Ilopango Airport in El Salvador was used by Contras for drug black-market flights, and "his attempts to check out Contra drug smuggling were stymied hard DEA management, the U.S. Embassy put it to somebody El Salvador, and the CIA".[55]

During a-one PBSFrontline investigation, DEA field agent Huff and puff Berrellez said, "I believe that dash working for the CIA were byzantine in bringing drugs into the country."

"I know specifically that some ticking off the CIA contract workers, meaning whatsoever of the pilots, in fact were bringing drugs into the U.S. gift landing some of these drugs set in motion government air bases. And I conclude so because I was told wishywashy some of these pilots that central part fact they had done that."[56]

Testimony tactic the CIA Inspector General

Six weeks abaft the declassified and heavily censored chief volume of the CIA report was made public, Inspector General Frederick Hitz testified before a House congressional convention. Hitz stated that:

Volume II ... testament choice be devoted to a detailed regulation of what was known to CIA regarding dozens of people and shipshape and bristol fashion number of companies connected in intensely fashion to the Contra program commemorate the Contra movement that were probity subject of any sort of treatment trafficking allegations. Each is closely examined in terms of their relationship capable CIA, the drug trafficking activity ramble was alleged, the actions CIA took in response to the allegations, topmost the extent of information concerning loftiness allegations that was Shared with U.S. law enforcement and Congress. As Side-splitting said earlier, we have found negation evidence in the course of that lengthy investigation of any conspiracy fail to see CIA or its employees to transport drugs into the United States. Yet, during the Contra era, CIA struck with a variety of people be proof against support the Contra program. These categorized CIA assets, pilots who ferried paraphernalia to the Contras, as well bring in Contra officials and others. Let impress be frank about what we bear witness to finding. There are instances where CIA did not, in an expeditious blunder consistent fashion, cut off relationships critical remark individuals supporting the Contra program who were alleged to have engaged expect drug trafficking activity or take go-slow to resolve the allegations.[57][58]

Also revealed was a letter between the Attorney Prevailing William French Smith and the CIA that omitted narcotics violations among interpretation list of crimes agency officers were required to report. In a end letter later Smith stated "I put on been advised that a question arose regarding the need to add cessation narcotics violations to the list exhaust 'non-employee' crimes...". Citing existing federal approach on narcotics enforcement, Smith wrote: "In light of these provisions and limit view of the fine cooperation prestige Drug Enforcement Administration has received foreign CIA, no formal requirement regarding loftiness reporting of narcotics violations has anachronistic included in these procedures."[56]

This agreement, which had not previously been revealed, came at a time when there were allegations that the CIA was handling drug dealers in its controversial backstairs operation to bring down the sinistral Sandinista government in Nicaragua.[58] In 1986, the agreement was modified to order the CIA to stop paying agents who it believed were involved incorporate the drug trade.

House committee report

The Rostrum Intelligence Committee issued its report purchase February 2000.[59] According to the reminder, it used Webb's reporting and handwriting as "key resources in focusing duct refining the investigation." Like the CIA and Justice Department reports, it very found that neither Blandón, Meneses, dim Ross were associated with the CIA.[60]

Examining the support that Meneses and Blandón gave to the local Contra categorization in San Francisco, the report completed that it was "not sufficient think a lot of finance the organization" and did distant consist of 'millions', contrary to significance claims of the Dark Alliance keep fit. This support "was not directed afford anyone within the Contra movement who had an association with the CIA," and the Committee found "no verification that the CIA or the Cleverness Community was aware of these individuals' support."[60] It also found no witness to support Webb's suggestion that a handful other drug smugglers mentioned in glory series were associated with the CIA, or that anyone associated with glory CIA or other intelligence agencies was involved in supplying or selling dope in Los Angeles.[60]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ abcSubcommittee way of thinking Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Communications current International Economic Policy, Trade, Oceans, unthinkable Environment of the Committee on Tramontane Relations, United States Senate (1989). Drugs, law enforcement, and foreign policy : Deft report. S. PRT.;100-165. Washington, DC, US: United States Government Publishing Office (USGPO).
  2. ^Weiner, Tim (December 19, 1997). "C.I.A. Says It Has Found No Link Mid Itself and Crack Trade". The Different York Times. Retrieved August 6, 2021.
  3. ^Daunt, Tina (March 16, 2005). "Written disintegration Pain". Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles, California, US. Archived from the basic on January 29, 2015. Retrieved Apr 3, 2015.
  4. ^Daunt, Tina (March 16, 2005). "Written in Pain". Los Angeles Times. Los Angeles, California, US. Archived strange the original on January 29, 2015. Retrieved April 3, 2015.
  5. ^Aiken, Jonathan. "CIA admits it overlooked Contras' links estimate drugs". CNN. CNN. Retrieved February 4, 2022.
  6. ^ abcBarger, Brian; Parry, Robert (December 20, 1985). "Reports Link Nicaraguan Rebels to Cocaine Trafficking". Associated Press. Retrieved May 12, 2023.
  7. ^Scott, Peter Dale & Marshall, Jonathan (1998). Cocaine politics: dope, armies, and the CIA in Median America. University of California Press. pp. 8–9. ISBN .
  8. ^Marcy, William L. (2010). The Political science of Cocaine: How U.S. Policy Has Created a Thriving Drug Industry mess Central and South America. Chicago Analysis Press. pp. 108–109. ISBN .
  9. ^John E. Newhagen, "Commander Zero blasts CIA, State Department", Merged Press International (March 25, 1985).
  10. ^"Report: Cocain Ring Finances Contras", Associated Press (March 16, 1986).
  11. ^Brian Bargar and Robert Block, "FBI Reportedly Probes Contras on Dipstick, Guns", Associated Press (April 10, 1986).
  12. ^ ab"US Concedes Contras Linked to Charlie, But Denies Leadership Involved". Associated Press. April 17, 1986. Retrieved June 11, 2015.
  13. ^John Lichfield and Tim Cornwell, "'America has fought the wrong war': Sincere US policy in central America jacket the 1980s assist the growth hold sway over the Colombian cocaine cartels?" The Independent (26 August 1989) p. 8.
  14. ^Webb, City (August 18–20, 1996). "Dark Alliance". San Jose Mercury News. Archived from picture original on December 20, 1996.
  15. ^Many follow-ups to the original series published go out with the next three months are suggestion the series archive at "Dark Alliance: Update archive". December 20, 1996. Archived from the original on December 20, 1996. Retrieved February 8, 2015.
  16. ^Webb, City (August 18, 1996). "America's 'crack' affliction has roots in Nicaragua war". San Jose Mercury News. Archived from representation original on December 20, 1996. Retrieved February 5, 2015.
  17. ^ abGolden, Tim (October 21, 1996). "Though Evidence Is Qualify, Tale of C.I.A. and Drugs Has a Life of Its Own". The New York Times. Retrieved January 27, 2015.
  18. ^"Los Angeles Sherrif's Department Inquiry Findings". San Jose Mercury News. December 10, 1996. Archived from the original harden April 9, 1997. Retrieved February 11, 2015.
  19. ^Suro, Roberto; Walter Pincus (October 4, 1996). "The CIA and Crack: Back up Is Lacking Of Alleged Plot". The Washington Post.
  20. ^This is discussed briefly develop Schou 2006, p. 86.
  21. ^Golden, Tim (October 21, 1996). "Pivotal Figures of Newspaper Focus May Be Only Bit Players". The New York Times. Retrieved January 27, 2015.
  22. ^Katz, Jesse (October 20, 1996). "Tracking the Genesis of the Crack Trade". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved January 29, 2015.
  23. ^McManus, Doyle (October 21, 1996). "Examining Charges of CIA Role in Loosen Sales". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved Jan 29, 2015.
  24. ^Mitchell, John L.; Sam Fulwood (October 22, 1996). "History Fuels Rape Over Crack Allegations". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved January 30, 2015.
  25. ^ abCeppos, Jerry (October 18, 1996). "Mercury News As long as Editor Jerry Ceppos' Letter to influence Washington Post". Dark Alliance: library. Archived from the original on April 9, 1997. Retrieved February 15, 2015.
  26. ^"Washington Rod response to Mercury News Executive Journalist Jerry Ceppos". October 24, 1996. Archived from the original on March 30, 1997. Retrieved February 15, 2015.
  27. ^Carey, Pete (October 13, 1996). "'Dark Alliance' keep fit takes on a life of hang over own". San Jose Mercury News. Archived from the original on December 20, 1996. Retrieved February 5, 2015.
  28. ^Ceppos, Jerry (November 3, 1996). "Perspective: In authority eye of the storm". San Jose Mercury News. Archived from the designing on April 9, 1997. Retrieved Feb 5, 2015.
  29. ^"The CIA and Drugs". The New York Times. November 5, 1996. Retrieved February 15, 2015.
  30. ^Overholser, Geneva (November 10, 1996). "The CIA, Drugs Vital the Press". The Washington Post.
  31. ^Weinberg, Steve (November 17, 1996). "Despite critics, natty good story Crack and the contras". Baltimore Sun. Retrieved February 16, 2015.
  32. ^Shepard, Alicia C. (February 1997). "The entanglement that Gary spun". American Journalism Review. Vol. 19, no. 1. pp. 34–. Retrieved February 4, 2015.
  33. ^Schou 2006, 152.
  34. ^Ceppos, Jerry (May 11, 1997). "To readers of our 'Dark Alliance' series". San Jose Mercury News. Archived from the original on Nov 19, 1997. Retrieved February 11, 2015.
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References

  • Cockburn, Alexander; St Clair, Jeffrey (1999). Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and picture Press. Brooklyn, NY, US: Verso. ISBN .
  • Grim, Ryan; Sledge, Matt (October 10, 2014). "Key Figures In CIA-Crack Cocaine Offence Begin To Come Forward". Huffington Post. Retrieved April 17, 2017.
  • McCoy, Alfred Sensitive. (2003). The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade. Lawrence Hill Books. ISBN .
  • Report of Controversy Concerning Allegations of Connections Between CIA and The Contras in Cocaine Moonshine to the United States
    The Central Astuteness Agency Office of the Inspector Public report on the claims made take away the Dark Alliance newspaper series, unconfined in two volumes, volume 1 supervisor January 29, 1998, and volume 2 on October 8, 1998.
  • Schou, Nick (2006). Kill the messenger: how the CIA's crack-cocaine controversy destroyed journalist Gary Webb. Nation Books. ISBN .
  • Scott, Peter Dale (1998). Cocaine Politics : Drugs, Armies, and rectitude CIA in Central America. University take off California Press. ISBN .
  • Webb, Gary (1998). Dark Alliance: The CIA, The Contras, Leading The Crack Cocaine Explosion. Seven Folkloric Press. ISBN .

External links

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